What to Know About Virginia’s Democratic Primaries


WASHINGTON – The Virginia Democrats go to the polls Tuesday to vote their candidates in races from governor to state house, but the start of summer isn’t the only reason this year’s primary season has been sleepy.

Nomination competitions in Virginia held just months after a presidential election often reflect the mood of voters. And if this year’s primary never seemed to get off the ground, it was partly because many voters were burned out of politics after four convulsive years of the Trump administration, a bitter 2020 election campaign, and a coronavirus pandemic only now receding.

The most dedicated political fans still watched the 2021 races in Virginia. However, former President Donald J. Trump’s continued refusal to acknowledge the defeat, storming the Capitol, and subsequent impeachment investigation diverted attention from state politics in a way that effectively delayed the start of the primary and the former governor’s opponents Terry McAuliffe in the Governor’s Race of Political Oxygen.

For former and potentially future governor, Mr. McAuliffe, who was replaced by Governor Ralph Northam in 2018, this was all a matter of heaven because Virginia will be the last state in America to ban governors from consecutive terms.

With perhaps the two most powerful weapons in a nationwide area code – name recognition and cash – Mr McAuliffe has a big lead in the polls against four Democrats who are comparatively little known and poorly funded: Lt. Gov. Justin Fairfax, State Senator Jennifer McClellan, State Delegate Lee Carter, and Former State Delegate Jennifer Carroll Foy.

But just because Mr. McAuliffe appears ready to claim Tuesday’s nomination for his old job, it doesn’t mean the results won’t be illuminating.

Here’s what to look for in the Democratic races. (The Virginia Republicans nominated their ticket last month, with Glenn Youngkin, a self-financing former private equity executive, standing as the party’s candidate for governor.)

In 2009, the Virginia Democrats had a hotly contested gubernatorial primary in which two candidates from the voting suburbs of Washington participated, but only 319,000 voters cast their votes. In 2017, more than 543,000 Virginians voted for governor in the Democratic primary.

The ultimate difference between these two election cycles: twelve years ago, after the election of President Barack Obama, Republicans would claim governorship, while four years ago the Democrats rode a wave of anti-Trump energy to sweep all three state offices: Governor, Lieutenant Governor and Attorney General.

“We don’t need Donald Trump in the White House for our people to get out and vote because Trumpism is alive and well in the Virginia Republican Party,” said State House spokeswoman Eileen Filler-Corn, a Democrat who said on her position when another anti-Trump wave swept her party to a majority in 2019.

Republicans and some Democrats aren’t convinced, especially given the GOP’s nomination of Mr. Youngkin, a Northern Virginia businessman with Hampton Roads roots.

Without the one-man Democrat electoral lever that Trump was in the Oval Office, can the party still overwhelm Republicans in the suburbs, which often rule Virginia?

The total participation on Tuesday will provide the first clues.

It can be difficult to win a majority of the votes in a five-way race. But Mr. McAuliffe has so dominated the primaries that it’s possible he could crack 50 percent. Although it is an arbitrary number, a majority would be a strong vote of confidence in Mr. McAuliffe.

He seems well positioned to reach that threshold. He has sought support from much of the Virginia Democratic establishment, including Mr Northam, who, despite his infamous blackface scandal in 2019, is now very popular with the Democrats. And despite running against three black candidates, Mr McAuliffe has also received support from many prosecutors from prominent African American leaders.

He ran for de facto incumbent, combining his governorship and that of Mr. Northam with the trumpet of the past eight years and the broader Democratic takeover of Virginia. The Republicans have not won a nationwide race since 2009 and are now in the minority of both houses of the General Assembly.

“We’re a new state today,” McAuliffe said last week while stopping at a pastry shop in Arlington, recalling what he’d “women, gay, environmental, immigration, pro-gun” Republican legislators had on his Appointed in 2014.

The question is whether his popularity and the recognition he is receiving from the Democrats for Virginia’s transformation is enough to run away in a race against a field that includes younger, more diverse, and more progressive opponents.

The Virginia suburbs outside Washington were strikingly different from the rest of the state. “Occupied Territory” was the joke that residents south of the Rappahannock River made about the more ephemeral, less cultured southern communities outside the capital of the country.

But now Virginia is a lot more like Northern Virginia. The population centers of Richmond and Hampton Roads are closer to Arlington than Abingdon in demographics and increasingly also in politics.

This is all to say that Mr. McAuliffe’s performance and overall stake in what is called the Urban Crescent, which stretches from Northern Virginia via Interstate 95 to Richmond and then east on I-64 to Hampton Roads, can be observed most closely.

Are these Democrats a) excited to vote and b) eager to endorse an older, more moderate candidate? You were in the 2017 primary when Mr. Northam parried a challenge from his left by former MP Tom Perriello, but Tuesday will tell us more about the state of the party in the districts that have gone Virginia blue.

Governor races always get the most attention in Virginia’s post-presidential year because they can be a handy temperature check for voters. Backlashs are often recognized here first. In fact, until McAuliffe’s victory in 2013, Virginia had a decade-long attempt to elect an opposing party governor from among the White House residents.

But the other two races for nationwide offices, lieutenant governor and attorney general, are also worth keeping an eye on.

The state prefix for job # 2 is sprawling, with six candidates. Three state lawmakers – Sam Rasoul, Hala Ayala, and Mark Levine – have the most money. Ms. Ayala has the support of Mr. Northam, and Mr. Rasoul would be the first Muslim to be elected to state office in Virginia.

While the job involves few official duties beyond breaking ties in the state Senate, it is coveted by aspiring politicians as it can be a quick stepping stone to a top job given Virginia’s unique rule for governors. Former governors. Charles S. Robb, L. Douglas Wilder and Tim Kaine, as well as Mr. Northam followed this path.

Attorney General can also be a launch pad for the governor – the joke is that AG stands for Fast Governor – and many believed that Attorney General Mark Herring, a Democrat, would run for office this year. But since Mr. McAuliffe was running for governorship, Mr. Herring, who had his own blackface scandal in 2019, decided to seek a third term.

He called on a young, black state legislature, Jay Jones, to enlist the assistance of Mr. Northam. However, Mr. Herring has dwarfed Mr. Jones and benefited from a higher profile. In a busy season that started slowly and never seemed to fully bloom, that could be enough.